Dr Tariq Rahman

Changing Lifestyles: Dress and Languages Codes

            Dress, bearing, behavour and language are symbolic codes. They convey meaning all right, but that is not necessarily, or only, straightforward meaning. They also send messages about your socio-economic class, your ethnic identity, your occupational identity and where you belong in the power-hierarchy of  a society. Being messages, they evoke responses from others. These response are both intellectual and emotional. That is, people will negotiate  your  meaning through many clues of which words, tone, body language and dress code are the most important clue. Thus they will also discern what you imply when you mean the opposite of what you say. Moreover, they will react with emotions to your messages---love, hatred, contempt and so on.

            One way to analyze both the sartorial language (what dress means) and human language (what words, tones, silences etc mean) is to relate them to power in a society. Since they are related to power both dress and language are generally meant to create, perpetuate and rationalize inequality in society. Let us look at this proposition with respect to Pakistan and the Muslims of North India whose culture still dominates urban Pakistan.

            First, one models one’s dress and language on those of the powerful classes as much as possible. If one sees medieval paintings one finds people in cloaks and other Mughal clothes. These, however, are generally upper class people or those who aspire to come into the upper classes. The peasants, whose dress is rarely mentioned, used to wear a loincloth. They simply could not afford the flowing roles and cloaks. When power came to rest with the British, the dress code changed slowly. Indians who went into government service put on the English dress and learned the English language. The Hindus elite, which had earlier learnt Persian and put on Mughlai clothes, now discarded both in favour of English and suits. Clothes, however, were not discarded in all spheres of life. Nehru’s family, for instance, were the sherwanis (frock coat) in common with the Muslim elite. However, the sphere of the sherwani was different from that of the suit. The former was used to symbolize both gentlemanly (ashraf) status and indigenous identity. The latter was used to communicate modernity, employment in the modern sector, power in the modern structure created by the British etc. The language too was functionally divided. While intimacy was indicated by speaking in one’s mother tongue, power, urbanity, education and elitism was indicated by using English.

            Both clothes and language served as markers of socio-economic class, urban-rural identity and gender. Poor people could not afford either sherwanis or suits. They kept wearing local clothes. In Pakistan this has come to be shlwar-kamiz (a suit of baggy Turkish trousers and long, loose shirt) in the urban areas. However, even now Punjabi villagers wear a version of the loincloth as do villagers in India. Indeed, this is one difference between urban and rural people. The other one is that the rural elite, proud as it is of its landed power and indigenous roots, wears the local dress along with a headwear. The headwear (pag) symbolizes power. It is not the dress of the peasants except on the rare occasion of a marriage or some such ceremonial occasion. Corresponding to this, the common man speaks the mother-tongue---Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Siraiki, Urdu etc---while the urban working class, except in small towns, has learnt a bit of Urdu. Urdu is the language of the powerful Mughlai culture while dominates Pakistani cities.

            Interestingly, women have always preserved the indigenous identity among the Muslims of South Asia. When the men made their bid for power by learning English and donning suits, they felt insecure. If one reads Akbar Allahabadi one finds the fear of losing identity expressed clearly. But even Sir Syed, modernist reformer though he was, expresses this fear at places. Among other things he (Sir Syed) is neither in favour of women seeking British education nor wearing Western dress. Indeed, even when enterprising women like Attiya Faizi did go for higher studies abroad, they did not take to skirts. Women kept wearing the traditional dress, complete with a dopatta (cover for the breasts), while men went around in shirt and trousers. Women’s clothes gave the message that they were preservers of indigenous values; that, appearances notwithstanding, the Indian Muslim community had not been completely Westernized. These attitudes remain to this day but they are changing in the urban, Westernized elite now. Thus there are some women, generally young ones, in jeans in the big cities of Pakistan. But, surprisingly enough, when women wore skirts in Tehran and Kabul, they generally went around in shalwar-qamiz (albeit tight ‘teddy’ ones) in Pakistani cities. Indeed, our women entirely missed the skirt---even the long one---though they did switch on to jeans. The jeans, like every other item of clothing, gives a message---that the wearer is not tradition-bound, not orthodox or revivalist in her interpretation of Islam, not rural, not poor, not uneducated and so on. It is as much a badge of the upper classes; the more Westernized families, as English itself. Indeed, jeans generally go with good English accents.

            To sum up the discussion so far, the power-structure of Pakistan favours the rich over the poor; the modern over the pre-modern; men over women; the urban over the rural and the Westernized over the traditional. These values and attitudes give rise to our interpretation of dress codes and language codes. People in Western dress are seen as being placed higher in the power-hierarchy than those in indigenous ones (unless, of course, the latter are feudal lords). People in suits may be seen to be powerful executives or bureaucrats or simply somewhat out-of-fashion gentlemen. The casual clothes of the young, elitist, urban youngsters place them in the upper classes even, indeed especially,  if the shirt is crumpled and the jeans, or shorts, torn and worn off.

            The language hierardy places English at the top with Urdu as number two. In Sindh, however, they are proud of Sindhi and the Sindhi nationalists use it on all possible occasions. In the Pashto-speaking areas, although Urdu words have entered Pashto, Pashto is a matter of pride and identity. In Balochistan, there is no culture shame any more about speaking Brahvi and Balochi though, of course, Urdu words are extremely common and city people are forced to function in Urdu because their schooling is in  Urdu and someone or the other in the company in which the conversation is going on does not knew Brahvi or Balochi. But in the Punjab the educated middle class of the cities has affectionate contempt for Punjabi. When educated men speak in Punjabi they convey the message that they are intimate, friendly, causal, down-to-earth and equal in status to each other. On all formal occasions and with one’s superiors one initiates a conversation in Urdu, or English, but it is up to the superior to choose to reply in Punjabi. Educated women, being more conscious of the rural associations and inferior status of Punjabi, choose to speak in Urdu (or English) unless they are not fluent in Urdu.

            The change from Punjabi to Urdu, and from Persian to English, has come about under British rule. In the Punjab, it was in the 1850s that the first British schools teaching in Urdu were established. It was also then that the English-medium schools were also established. Functioning only in Punjabi puts you in the lower, or rural, classes; speaking in Punjabi and Urdu puts you in the middle classes; and functioning in all three, but with complete ease and fluency in English, puts you in the upper, and urban, classes.

            Along with this change came the change in titles and forms of address. The major change was from maulvi to mister; hakeem ji to doctor sahib; ustad ji to master sahib and then sir and so on. The old titles of maulvi, munshi, Hakeem etc lost caste and came to be reserved only for the indigenous, less-powerful, traditional elite. Anyone connected with the modern apparatus of power was addressed as Sahib or Sir. The women were Ma’am (corrupted to Mem sahib) or Begum Sahiba. The older formula of expressing politeness was still not to use only first names. One used the first names of people younger than one’s self or if they were junior i.e. less powerful or inferior in the social hierarchy. Politeness with equality consisted in using a honorific before the name and also one after it (i.e. Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto Sahiba where both Mohtarma and Sahiba are honorifics). This continues even today among the more traditional members of the urban Pakistani elite. One can witness it in the universities where people use the mutual ‘Doctor Sahib’ with each other. It communicates politeness, equality as colleagues and mutual respect.

            However, a change is underway. It comes, as with most changes in our part of the world, from the powerful sections of our society. Indeed, like the English language, European clothes and Western titles (doctor, mister etc), this change also comes from the West.

            The change is the use of first names without honorifics between colleagues, even business acquaintances and even strangers. This change occurred in Western society over the past fifty years. In Pakistan it is hardly ten years old. Those who are introducing it do so from a position of power. They are powerful members of a small elite which controls institutions and processes in the non-governmental sector of Pakistan. They act in the name of equality neglecting the fact that if both people use honorifics and name than they do act as equals anyway.

            This change, in my opinion, is an expression of power; the power which a small but powerful, highly Westernized, elite possesses to change the norms of behaviour of a larger community. The change entails breaking the norms we have in our mind. It is painful and embarrassing for those who are used to different norms of linguistic politeness. However, the change is coming and it is no use trying to wish it away.

            Part of this change is also the non-use of titles. However, only academic titles have been abandoned in the West. Titles of feudal power (nawabs, sardars, princes, dukes, lords etc) are still used. Titles of ecclesiastical power Moulana, Ayatollah, cardinal, bishop etc) are also used. Moreover, modern bureaucratic and military titles are also used. The only titles which have been abandoned are academic titles (doctor, professor). Indeed, doctor has been appropriated almost exclusively by physicians (even with bachelor’s degrees). This change is coming in Pakistan too. This would indicate that elites with real power---such as the military---will preserve their titles (in this case the rank is also the title) while the elite with no real power will lose theirs. However, in this case, those who are losing their titles, the academics, are the ones who are in the forefront of the movement for abandoning them. The irony is that even academics show much unbecoming deference to military, bureaucratic, feudal and ecclesiastical titles even while making a big show about not using each others’ academic titles in the name of equality and democracy.

            Another change is in women’s language. I shall confine myself only to Urdu used in North India in the nineteenth century since I have read evidence of this Begmati Zuban. Women used words (like Hai Allah, nauj, nigori, jharu phira. mardua etc) which denoted seclusion from men and interaction with each other. Their words and expressions denoted powerlessness as well as dependence too. The vocabulary they developed in the women’s quarters (zenana) was different from the more standardized Urdu spoken by the men. This language can now be found only in some novels and in the genre of poetry called Rekhti. This  has changed now and women speak almost like men---almost, because a few pet expressions like Hae Allah may sometimes be heard among women. Here, as in other spheres, clothes can be a guide. Briefly, the more Westernized the women’s dress; the greater is the degree to which she speaks Urdu like the men. In English, of course, the gender differences almost disappeared a long time back.

            All ages appear like ages of flux to contemporaries. But our age really is an age of very fast change. Our lifestyles are changing and language and dress codes are the greatest indicators of change. So next time you see a jeans-clad youngster talking in American slang and using abbreviated spellings on the e-mail, you should know you are face-to-face with the future. And when you see an old man in loincloth chattering away in Punjabi, that would be the past. But, that is not all. The youth also represents a symbol of power; the old man of lack of power. Languages and dress codes tell you who is powerful. Thus, if you were ever fooled by ‘casual wear parties’, do not be fooled any more. They are clubs of the very powerful who can afford to be ‘casual’---something which most of us would not even know how to try.

 

Dr. Tariq Rahman