Images of the ‘Other’ in Pakistani Textbooks

By

Tariq Rahman Ph.D

Professor of Linguistics and South Asian Studies,

Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad.

Images of the ‘Other’ in Pakistani Text-books

1. Introduction

Textbooks are one out of many influences on a person’s world view. How significant the influence may be depends on many variables ¾ teachers, peer group pressure, family and friends, childhood experiences, exposure to discourses other than textbooks ¾ and cannot be easily determined. What can be determined, however, is the intention of the writers of textbooks; the policy guidelines of those who get the textbooks written; and the values which the educational authorities responsible for writing and disseminating textbooks in educational systems support.

In general these values belong to the ‘in-group’ i.e. they are values and perceptions which support one’s own group: nation, ethnic group, religious group, ideological group etc. This necessitates the creation of an ‘out-group’ or ‘Other’ which must be held in opposition to the self. The ‘Other’ is generally created on the basis of selective data and in this process of creation it is transformed. It may either be romanticized or demonized. Edward Said in his book Orientalism (1978) tells us how the European scholars of the Orient created on image of the ‘Other’ which made it the ‘Other’ of the Occident. Said further postulates that this justified the conquest of the Orient in order to ‘civilize’ it.

This article intends to look at the way the ‘Other’ is represented in Pakistani textbooks. The specific focus is on textbooks used from class 6 to 10 in government schools. In addition to that some of the textbooks used in the religious seminaries (madrassas), either as part of the curricula or as supplementary reading material, are also examined. The textbooks of elitist English-medium schools, which are mostly in private hands, have been touched only in passing since they are generally written by foreign (often British) authors and published by subsidiaries of foreign publishing firms (generally the Oxford University Press). As such, these books do not focus on Pakistan so that, at least implicitly, the common people of Pakistan are the ‘Other’ in them.

Review of Literature

The Pakistani ruling elite used Islam and Urdu to resist the challenge posed by fissiparous ethnicity ¾ Bengali, Sindhi, Pashtun, Boluchi, Siraiki (see Rahman 1996) ¾ and textbooks were changed from the very beginning for that purpose.

Moreover, a conspiracy theory of Pakistan’s history, explaining the birth of Pakistan in terms of British-Hindu conspiracy against the Muslims, was created. Under General Ziaul Haq’s Islamization campaign (1977-88), the Islamic indoctrination became even more pronounced. Pervez Hoodbhoy and A.H. Nayyar, both academics and social activists, made the point that the concept of the ‘ideology of Pakistan’, was incorporated in many texts. The ‘Other’, which has always been India, was now also the Pakistani ¾or foreigner ¾ who denied this ideology. Summing up the changes in the textbooks Hoodbhoy and Nayyar said:

In Pakistan, because of the adoption of an exclusionist national ideology, there are no constraints on the free expression of communal hatred. Thus, the Hindu is portrayed as monolithically cunning and treacherous, obsessively seeking to settle old scores with his erstwhile masters. This Hindu is responsible for the breakup of Pakistan (Hoodbhoy and Nayyar 1985: 175).

A number of other researchers have carried out even more detailed and in-depth studies of the images of the Indian non-Muslims (Hindus) in Pakistani textbooks. K.K. Aziz, the famous Pakistani historian, studied 66 textbooks on social studies, Pakistan studies and history in use from class I to the B.A. level. Among other things, he points out that these textbooks glorify war and create hatred for India (Aziz 1993: 192-193). Rubina Saigol, a sociologist, has analyzed all the myths which help the state to maintain a high bevel of militarization and aggressive nationalism. In this case too the ‘Other’ is India. In June 2002 a conference on textbooks was arranged at the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), a think-tank, in Islamabad. The chief organizer of the conference, A.H. Nayyar, proposed changes in textbooks so that they should not create hostility and aggression against India. The present writer, who was a member of the committee, deleted lessons with negative images of Hindus so that the textbooks should cease to create hatred. These modified textbooks have not, however, been accepted by the Textbook Boards of Pakistan which are run by the government.

Objectives

This paper attempts to analyze:

(a) The textbooks introduced in government schools after 1999.

(b) Textbooks and supplementary reading material in the religious seminaries (madrassas) ¾ with reference to the following questions:

(i) Do they refer to the non-Muslims or do they ignore them even in contexts where their contribution should have been acknowledged or their rule recognized.

(ii) If they do refer to the non-Muslims, do they do if in a positive, neutral or negative manner?

(iii) How do they refer to ideologies, philosophies, values, points of views etc owing their origin to, or coming from, the ‘Other’—specifically from India and the West.

Methodology

Textbooks of Urdu-medium government schools from class 6 to class 10 were studied item by item with reference to the above three objectives. Selected textbooks and supplementary reading material from madrassas was also studied with the same objectives in mind. For an earlier study, Language, Ideology and Power (2002) the present researcher had given a questionnaire to 1500 students in order to determine, among other things, their attitude towards Christians, Hindus and Ahmedis (declared a non-Muslim religious community since 1974 in Pakistan). The responses to these questions were also brought together here. Informal, unstructured interviews of students, including those form religious seminaries, were held in Rawalpindi and Islamabad during 2002 to understand their perceptions about non-Muslims.

Educational Background of Pakistan

Before analyzing the textbooks of Pakistani schools let us give a brief synopsis of the essential facts of the educational scenario in Pakistan. Briefly, in this country of 133 million (plus) according to the census of 1998, only 34.92 percent people are literate while those educated beyond school (12 years of education) are only 6.56 percent. Other related figures are given below:

ESSENTIAL FACTS ABOUT PAKISTAN’S EDUCATION

Enrollment Ratio	35.98 percent	41.19 percent male	30.35 percent female	Less in rural=29.11 and more in urban= 49.71 percent
Educated persons (school level)	18.30 percent (below primary)	30.14 percent (primary i.e 5 years)	20.89 percent (middle i.e 8 years)	17.29 percent (matriculation i.e 10 years)
Educated persons (above school level)	6.56 percent (12 years)	4.38 percent (B.A i.e 14 years)	1.58 percent (M.A i.e 16 years)	.85 percent (Others i.e diplomas, post-graduates etc)
Literacy	34.92 percent	63.08 percent (urban)	33.64 percent (rural)	54.81 percent (male) : 32.02 percent (female)
Source: Census 2001: Table 2.15 ; 2.19 ; 2.21

The country has three major types of educational institutions: the government vernacular-medium schools (i.e. Urdu and Sindhi-medium); English medium schools (private elitist; state-influenced public schools and cadet colleges; and non-elitist private English-medium schools); religious seminaries (madreassas of the two major sects of Islam Sunni and Shia and within the Sunnis of sub-sects such as Deobandis, Barelvis, All-i-Hadith and the Jamat-i-Islami).

The number of government vernacular-medium schools in the country is as follows:

Number of Schools in Pakistan
Level	Number	Student Strength	Teachers
Primary	169,089	19,921,232	345,457
Middle	19,180	4,278,392	99,098
Secondary	13,108	1,795,444	66,522
Source. GOP (2002)

The exact number of English-medium schools is not known but a census of private schools in 2001 gave the figure of 33, 893. Such schools spread out over the cities and towns of the whole country (Census Private 2001: table 1: p.12). This figure probably does not include the famous public schools such as Aitchison College (Lahore) and cadet colleges like those at Pitaro (Navy); Sarai Alamgir (army); and Sargodha (air force).

There are over 10,000 madrassas with between 1-5 to 1-7 million students (ICG 2002:2). Most of them are Sunni---the major sect of Islam in Pakistan---but some are of the Shias too.

The vernacular-medium schools teach all subjects in Urdu in most of the country but in parts of Sindh, especially rural Sindh, they use Sindhi as the medium of instruction. They are financed by the state and cannot teach other than the textbooks prescribed by Textbook Boards which are administered by the functionaries of the state. These schools are attended by poor and lower-middle-class children. The English-medium schools are of three kinds. First, the private elitist ones which charge very high tuition fees (Rs 1500 per month and more). They are attended by the affluent children of the middle and the upper classes. They teach books written for British children and adapted for use in Singapore, Hong Kong, and South Asia. Except in the subject of Urdu and Islamic Studies, these children do not study the Textbook Board books. Thus they are more influenced by discourses created outside Pakistan. Then there are the cadet colleges (public schools in British parlance) which use English as a medium of instruction and are influenced, and sometimes actually administered, by the military. These institutions cater for the middle classes, especially families from the armed forces. These children read Textbook Board books in most subjects because they appear for the Pakistani examination of matriculation (class 10 which is school-leaving level). Then there are the non-elitist English-medium schools (tuition fees from Rs. 50 per month). They teach Textbook Board books and, despite their claim to be English-medium, the teachers explain most lessons in Urdu because they, like their pupils, lack competence in English. They are just as much exposed to anti-Hindu, anti-West propaganda as are their counterparts from the vernacular-medium schools. The madrassa students do not generally study Textbook Board books. They have their own textbooks which contain much anti-Western material.

The following chart attempts to sum up what kind of textbooks students in different institutions are exposed to:

Images of the ‘Other’ in Textbook Board Books

Type of Institution	Type of Textbooks	Nature of the Images of the ‘Other’
Vernacular-medium School (Urdu/Sindhi)	Textbook Board in Urdu (in parts of Sindh in sindhi)	Anti-Hindu, anti-India; ignore the West.
English-medium (elitist)	Written abroad and adapted for Pakistan	Western images and stories are the norm.
English-medium (cadet colleges)	Textbook Board books in English.	Anti-Hindu, anti-India; ignore the West.
English-medium (non elitist)	Textbook Board books in English and Urdu.	Anti-Hindu, anti-India; ignore the West
Source: Field research

As textbooks are not the only formative influences on students let us also add the effects of four more variables: peer group, teachers, family and exposure to extra-curricular discourses. Interaction with students shows that it is as follows:

Influences Other than Textbooks on Students

	Peer Group	Teachers	Family	Extra Curricular Discourses
Urdu-medium schools	Anti-India, anti-Hindu; anti-Israel; anti-Semitic; anti-America impressed by the West	Anti-India, anti-Hindu, anti-Israel, anti-Semitic. Likely to be impressed by the West but also against it.	Likely to be the same as (2)	Pakistan TV/Radio. Urdu newspapers.
Sindhi-medium Schools	Ambivalent towards Hindus. Anti-Israel, anti-America. Ambivalent towards the West but impressed too.	Same as (1). Likely to be Sindhi nationalists and anti-Punjabi too.	Same as (2)	Pakistan TV/ radio Sindhi newspapers/ magazines.
English-medium elitist	Contemptuous and dismissive of Pakistan’s indigenous culture. Pro-West. Ambivalent towards the West	Mostly anti-India; Ambivalent towards the West. Anti-Israel	Same as (2)	Cable TV English films English music English newspapers/magazines/comic books/cartoons.
English-medium (Cadet colleges)	Anti-India; anti-Hindu, anti-Israel. Ambivalent towards the West	Same as (1)	Same as (2)	Cable TV at home but not in boarding school. English newspapers/Urdu magazines.
English-medium (non-elitist)	Anti-India Anti-Hindu Anti-Israel Anti-Semitic	Same as (1)	Same as (2)	PTV Urdu newspapers/magazines.
Madrassas	Anti-Hindu Anti-India Anti-Israel Anti-Semitic Anti-West	Same as (1)	Pre-modern Folk religion and superstition	Religious books/sermons. Talks by religious figures.
Source: Conversation, interaction, observation and loosely structured interviews.

The Objective of Textbook Board Books

The Government of Pakistan lays down certain objectives for the teaching of various subjects. These are often ideological. They use Islam as a marker of identity to define the boundaries of the self. The ‘Other’ is, by definition, non-Muslim. However, this notion of Islam is so tempered with nationalism as to exclude Indian Hindus rather than non-Muslims who are friendly with Pakistan. Here is an abstract from the objectives laid down in different instructional books from the Ministry of Education:

· To inculcate the unflinching love for Islam and Pakistan, strong sense of national cohesion, and state integrity.

· To promote understanding of socio-economic and socio-cultural aspects of Pakistani society, the Ideology of Pakistan and struggle for freedom. (GOP 2002a).

History of Pakistan

· To evaluate the Islamization effort by various Governments in perspective of an Islamic ideological state.

· To inculcate among students the qualities of Khudi, self-reliance, tolerance, research, sacrifice, Jihad, martyrdom, modesty and the behaviour patterns of national character. (GOP 2002b).

These objectives appear to counteract the ostensibly secularization trend of General Musharraf’s government. Indeed, they are quite similar to the objective of the Islamization trend of the Zia regime. In short, the use of Islam to define the self and to mark out the ‘Other’ has not changed. Because of this Pakistani students exposed to the textbook Board books tend to be intolerant of Hindus, Christians and non-Muslim minorities. The following opinions of students about these communities proves this:

TOLERANCE OF THE OTHER
What should be Pakistan’s priorities? 1. Give equal rights to Ahmedis in Pakistan?
	Madrassas (N=131)	Sindhi Medium (N=132)	Urdu Medium (N=520)	English Medium Elitist (N=97)	Cadet colleges (N=86)	Non-elitist (N=119)
Agree	06.87	58.33	44.04	53.61	33.72	47.90
Disagree	81.68	18.18	33.85	22.68	39.54	28.57
Don’t Care	11.45	23.48	22.12	23.71	26.74	23.53
1. Give equal rights to Hindus and Christians in Pakistan?
Agree	11.45	65.15	56.73	57.73	41.86	51.26
Disagree	71.76	18.18	23.65	20.62	36.05	27.73
Don’t Care	16.79	16.67	19.62	21.65	22.09	21.01
Source: Survey of 1500 students carried out through a questionnaire in 1999-2000. See Rahman (2002) Appendix 14.7.

As the survey reveals, the students who tend to be least tolerant of the ‘Other’---in this case Hindus, Christians and Ahmedis, ---are the madrassa students. Those who are most tolerant are from Sindhi-medium institutions and from the elitist English-medium ones. In the latter two cases there are alternative discourses which influence the students’ opinions. In the case of the Sindhi-medium students, although they do study Textbook Board books, there is the alternative discourse offered by the Sindhi nationalist press. This opposes most of the opinions, including the anti-India bias, which the central government cultivates. Moreover, the Sindhis still cherish the poetry and values of the Islamic mystics who advocated harmony between creeds. Even more important, perhaps, is the fact that Sindh is the only place in Pakistan with pockets of Hindus. These factors make Sindhi students more tolerant of the religious ‘Other’ than either Punjabis, Pathans or Mohajirs.

As for the students of the English-medium schools, they are also exposed to discourses originating in, or influenced by, the West. They also do not study Textbook Board books. Thus they too are tolerant of the religious ‘Other’.

Analysis of the Punjab Textbook Board School Textbooks

The following case study of some of the recently published (2002) of the Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore, is being undertaken here for the first time. The older books have been analysed by the present author and others in different contexts but not specifically with reference to the images of the ‘Other’.

IMAGES of the ‘OTHER’ in ENGLISH Textbooks
Class-6	There are sentences like ‘I am a Muslim. I am a Pakistani’. However, no adverse comment against Hindus or Christians appears in the book.
Class-7	No adverse comments on any religious group. Girls are clad in scarves which cover the hair (dopattas).
Class-8	No adverse comments. No negative image.
Class-9	A statement: ‘Islam was a dominant force in Spain for about eight hundred years’ (p. 84), implicitly glorifies Muslim rule over Christian Spain.
Class-10	An essay on Tariq Bin Ziad, the conqueror of Spain, justifies his conquest.
Conclusion: English textbooks generally do not portray the ‘Other’ adversely but Islamic rule over the West is justified.

IMAGES of the ‘OTHER’ in Urdu Textbooks
Class-6	An Urdu couplet which in English translation reads as follow. The Himalaya remembers their (the Muslims’) deeds. Gibraltar still carries their stamp on it (p.24). In an essay on the 1965 Pakistan-India War: ‘clever and manipulative enemy’ (for India) (p. 68).
Class-7	In praise of the poet Akbar Ilahabadi: ‘He was against Western culture in India’. Anti-Hindu remarks: ‘In those days the extremist Hindus had launched a movement against Urdu since they considered it the Muslims’ Language’ (p. 137).
Class-8	With reference to the partition in 1947: ‘The Hindus and Sikhs killed Muslims whenever they were in a minority. They burnt their houses and forced them to migrate to Pakistan’ (p. 46). About an Indian pilot: ‘In the other world he had to burn; here too he died by fire’.
Class-9	Romanticizing Muslim rule over India: ‘The Muslims ruled South Asia for about a thousand years. They treated their Hindu subjects with justice. However, the Hindus would revolt at the least opportunity’ (p.11). The conspiratorial Hindus had a large share in harming Tipu Sultan and Siraj Ud Dowlah---. When the English consolidated their rule, the Hindus openly sided with them---because both hated the Muslims---Hindus are ready to change for their advantage --- they made a plan to enslave the Muslims permanently’ (p.12).
Conclusion: Urdu textbooks portray the Hindus, and to a lesser degree the colonial British, very negatively. The Hindus are accused of being cunning, deceptive and scheming and are accused of hating the Muslims. Both the British and the Hindus are supposed to have conspired together to deprive the Muslims of their rights.

SOCIAL STUDIES

Class-7 (English version)	‘The people of Africa requested the Muslims to invade their lands to save them from the tyranny of their Christian rulers who extorted taxes from them’ (p.21) This essay refers to the Muslim conquest of foreign lands with pride (p.22).
Class-8	‘As a result of Hindu-British collusion, Muslims were subjected to great hardships --- they could not be cowed down by the atrocities committed on them by the British and the Hindus’ (p.73). ‘Both the communities [British and Hindus] conspired against the Muslims to turn them into a poor, helpless and ineffective minority’ (p.74). On the crusades: ‘They [Christians] wanted to average themselves on Muslims---the Christians took to their traditional tactics of conspiring against the ruler’ (p.27). On colonialism:---European nations have been working during the past three centuries, through conspiracies or naked aggression to subjugate the countries of the Muslims world’ (p.43).
	Anti-Hindus remarks: ‘The Quaid-i-Azam saw through the machinations of the Hindus’ (p.51). ‘The ignoble behaviour of the Hindus forced the Muslims to rally to the Muslims League Flag to get their demands conceded---the Hindus had treated the Muslims cruelly and shamefully during their rule’ (p.82).
Class-9 and 10	In Bengal Haji Shariat Ullah and Tito Mir started the struggle to free the Muslims from the slavery of the English and the Hindus (p.13).
Conclusion: Social studies textbooks strongly reinforce the conspiracy theory that the Hindus and the colonial British wanted to suppress the Muslims and keep them in perpetual slavery. They romanticize and glorify Muslim rule over Hindus and Western people.

In a previous study of all language and literature Textbook Board books from class-1 to class-10 the present author counted ideology-carrying items. They were divided under three main heads: Pakistani nationalism, Islam and the military. Under the first leading were all items --- prose lessons, poems, exercises etc ---about the Pakistan movement, nationalist heroes, messages on national integration, Pakistani identity, ideology of Pakistan etc. Under the second were items relating to religious personages, beliefs and movements. Under the last were articles about war, Pakistan’s wars with India, war heroes, glorification of the military etc. The percentage of the number of ideological items in the textbooks is given for each province in Appendices A, B, C and D. The following chart gives the consolidated data for the textbooks of different languages:

Language-wise Ideological Contents of Language Textbooks Expressed as percentages of Total items
Language	Content (in percentages)
Arabic	66
Urdu	40
Pashto	43
Persian	32
Sindhi	29
English	8
Source: Physical counting of all items in the textbooks of all provinces in 1998. For details see Rahman (2002) pp. 519-522

As Arabic, Pashto and Persian are optional language and Sindhi is studied only in Sindh, Urdu emerges as the main ideology-carrying language. It influences all, except madrassa students’ as even English-medium school students have to study this language. However, as we have noticed before, English-medium students are exposed to other discourses which probably dilute the influence of the state-sponsored ideological texts.

Analysis of the Madrassa Textbooks

In the final year (Almiyah) the madrassas teach their students the beliefs of their sub-sect. In doing so the emphasis is to refute the beliefs of other sects, sub-sects and contemporary philosophies considered heretical by the ulema (Islamic scholars). These texts for refutation of heterodox, unacceptable or heretical doctrines may be called Radd-texts (the word Radd means refutation in Urdu). These texts are in Urdu rather than Arabic or Persian. This means that they are internalized by the students rather than only memorized as the Arabic and Persian texts are.

Although the curricula of the madrassas mention some texts by name, they are actually chosen for teaching according to the preferences of the teachers. Some influential texts, therefore, may not be prescribed but are well known. Thus their arguments are referred to in religious circles. The following texts, therefore, represent the kind of ideas and images which madrassa students encounter most. They are sub-divided into two categories: those which refute the West and those which refute other sects and sub-sects.

1. Refutation of the West.

Most books focus on philosophy and economics refute Western ideas of individualism, freedom and secularism. This entails either a complete rejection of Women’s rights, individual freedom, intellectual freedom and even democracy or a position of dissatisfaction with the way they are practiced in the West. Other books refute the economic systems associated with the West i.e. feudalism, capitalism, socialism, communism and consumerism. The books are polemical and selective. Western thinkers are criticized and their ideas are condemned as being products of their personal idiosyncrasies. Among the most influential books are:

(1) Muslim Mamalik mein Islamiat our Maghribiat Ki Kash Makash by Maulana Syed Abul Hasan Ali Nadavi (n.d).

This book, written by a very influential alim (religious scholar), traces out the conflict between Islam and Westernization in the Muslim world. It mentions Turkey, South Asia, Egypt, Iran, Indonesia, Tunis, Algeria, Libya, Morocco and other Muslim countries to discuss the near universal nature of this conflict. Its thesis is that the West is deliberately trying to secularize the Muslim world and that elitist groups in Muslim countries are helping them.

(2) Europe ke Teen Muashi Nizam by Mufti Mohammad Rafi Usmani (1997). This is a historical study refuting the ideas upon which feudalism, capitalism and socialism are based. In the end it suggests that Islam is the only antidote to the ‘godless poison’ upon which these systems are based.

Other books---and there are at least a dozen refuting the economic and philosophical doctrines of the West---repeat the same arguments.

The images of Western people are stereotyped and negative. They are called promiscuous, profligate, shameless, greedy, selfish and cruel. The rule of law in Western countries and respect for human rights is either ignored completely or mentioned in passing as being hypocritical considering that the same Western countries oppress the rest of the world. Most of these books have been in circulation for many years. They do not single out the United States of America but recently published pamphlets, newspaper reports and speeches by religious figures do.

2. Refutation of Other Sects

Pakistan is predominantly Sunni and the few Shia madrassas keep a low profile though there are militant Shia organizations which fight Sunni militants. The Shia madrassa would have books refuting Sunni doctrines but the present researcher could not obtain them despite efforts. Sunni books refuting Shia doctrines are galore. Among them the Hidayat ul Shi’a by Maulana Mohammad Qasim, the pioneer of the Darul Uloom at Deoband (Metcalf 1982), is the most well known. The level of scholarship is higher than other books on such subjects.

Other books refute the doctrines of Sunni sub-sects. These are Deobandis, Barelvis and Ahl-i-Hadith. As it would be tedious to list the number of such book I shall sum up the arguments they make against each other.

Deobandis: They refute the doctrines of the Barelvis i.e. the followers of Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilly (U.P. India). In their view they (Deobandis) are the orthodox believers in Islam who condemn all deviations from the Quran, the Hadith and the Sunnah. They neither believe in intercession by saints nor that the Prophet of Islam had knowledge of the unseen which, in their view, is an attribute of God alone.

Barelvis They believe that the Prophet of Islam was made of Divine Radiance (Noor) whereas the Deobandis and others believe that he was made of flesh (Bashar). They further believe that the Prophet had all knowledge of the unknown (Ilm ul Ghaib), was omnipresent, and had control over the events of the universe. They also exalted the position of saints making them intercessors between man and God. As mystic saints were revered in south Asia, the Barelvi version of Islam is called ‘folk Islam’.

Ahl-i-Hadith They are commonly known as Wahabis. They believe that one need not be bound to any one school of Islamic jurisprudence (i.e. Maliki, Shafi’i, Hanafi, Hanbali etc). Instead, one should use one’s own understanding of the Quran and Hadith to interpret the Islamic law (this is called the Mas’ ala-e-Taqleed). The Wahabis also differ on certain other points with the other sub-sects. They are considered stringent in their observation of religious practices. In Pakistan the Ahl-i-Hadith madrassas are said to be supported by Saudi Arabia.

Apart from these the Ulema refute what they call heresies. In the context of Pakistan these are the doctrines of the Ahmedis (Qadianis or Mirzais) as they are called. They are considered non-Muslims because they do not believe in the finality of Prophet Muhammad. Certain other doctrines, such as that of Ghulam Ahmed Pervaiz, are also refuted. Even the doctrines of Abul Ala Maudoodi, who created the revivalist Islamic party the Jamat-i-Islami, have been refuted (as Fitna-e-Maudoodiat i.e. the heresy of Maudoodi) (Zikria 1975; Lahori 1997); They refute Maudoodi’s thought because, among other things, Maudoodi does not rely on the hadith literature they consider completely reliable and sacrosanct.

Conclusion

The images of the ‘Other’ in Pakistani textbooks portray Hindus, Christians and Western people in negative terms. The state controlled textbook Boards focus on creating nationalistic opinion against India so as to create a garrison state mentality among the citizens. Such a mentality makes it easier for the state to spend more funds on the military than might have been possible otherwise. However, because the ‘Other’ is often defined in both nationalistic and religious terms, such image construction creates grounds for further Islamic radicalization among the youth.

As for the images of the ‘Other’ in madrassa books, they are not anti-India. They are, however, anti-West at both the deep, theoretical level as well as the emotive level. They refute other interpretations of Islam. They are also conducive towards producing religious antagonism towards other sects and sub-sects of Islam.

While the state can and should change its textbooks, and should also expose students to discussions created in other cultures, the madrassas will lose their appeal only if the state invests massively in welfare and education. This will prevent the very poor from sending their children to the madrassas which provide social security and education to people whom the state neglects. Such changes are both difficult and costly but they are absolutely necessary if Pakistani children are to be taught to co-exist peacefully with the other people of the world.

Appendix A

Ideological Contents of Language Textbooks Expressed as

Percentages of Total Number of Lessons

(NWFP Data)

	Urdu	English	Pashto
Class I	20	Nil@	22
Class II	36	7	39
Class III	50	20	44
Class IV	50	27	66
Class V	54	Nil	37
Class VI	50	6	46
Class VII	44	17	50
Class VIII	50	26	36
Class IX	33+	16	Not Taught
Class X	33+	4	Not Taught

Notes:

@ English starts from class VI under the old system and in class I under the new one. Not

all schools have adopted the new system.

+ Same book for IX and X.

Appendix B

Ideological Contents of Language Textbooks Expressed as

Percentages of Total Number of Lessons

(Punjab and Islamabad Data)

	Urdu	English	Arabic
Class I	6		Not Taught
Class II	18		NT
Class III	31		NT
Class IV	43		NT
Class V	38		NT
Class VI	49	7	50#
Class VII	52	11	70
Class VIII	48	8	81
Class IX	33+	32	50
Class X	33+	33	80

Notes:

# Arabic books are compulsory for all non-elitist government schools in Pakistan in class

VI-VIII.

+ Same book for IX and X.

Appendix C

Ideological Contents of Language Textbooks Expressed as

Percentages of Total Number of Lessons

(Sindh Data)

	Urdu	English	Sindhi
Class I	32	Nil	19
Class II	41	Nil	42
Class III	38	Nil	36
Class IV	46	Nil	33
Class V	49	Nil	26
Class VI	49	Nil	34
Class VII	93	Nil	36
Class VIII	53	20	26
Class IX	47+	35	21
Class X	47+	4	21

Note:

+ Same book for IX and X.

Appendix D

Ideological Contents of Language Textbooks Expressed as

Percentages of Total Number of Lessons

(Balochistan Data)

	Urdu	English	Persian
Class I	28		Not Taught
Class II	30		NT
Class III	32		NT
Class IV	47		NT
Class V	47		NT
Class VI	58	3	16^* 14
Class VII	46	Nil	50 47
Class VIII	48	4	46 35
Class IX	25+	23	28^* 28+
Class X	25+	14	28^* 28+

Notes:

^* Figures on the right are for books prescribed in the NWFP. Figures on the left are for

Balochistan. The new textbooks of the Punjab Board are the same as those of the NWFP

Board.

+ Same book for IX and X.

References

Part 1: Original Sources

(a) Textbook Board Books

Punjab Textbook board. 2002. English: Class-6 Lahore: Punjab Textbook Board. [82,000 copies]

. 2002. English: Class-7 as above [1,80,000 copies]

. 2002. English: Class-8 as above [82,000 copies]

. 1996. English: Class-9 as above [number not indicated]

. 1996. English: Class-10 as above [number not indicated]

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. 2002. Urdu Barae Jamat Sisham as above [number not indicated]

. 2002. Urdu Barae Jamat Haftam as above [number not indicated]

. 2002. Urdu Barae Jamat Hashtam as above [number not indicated]

. 1987. Muraqqa-e-Urdu 9th to 10th as above [number not indicated]

(b) Madrassa Books

Qasim, Muhammad. n.d. Hidayat ul Shi’a Multan: Taleefat -e-Ashrafiya. [Refutes Shia doctrines].

Usmani, Muhammad Rafi. 1997 Europe Ke Teen Mu ‘ashi Nizam Karachi: Idara-ul-Mu’ arif [Refutes capitalism, socialism and feudalism].

Nadavi, Syed Abul Hasan Ali .n.d. Muslim Mamalik Mein Islamiat our Maghribiat Ki Kash Makash Karachi: Majlis-e-Nashriat-e-Islam. [historical and philosophical book about the conflict between Islam and Westernization in the Muslim world].

Ludhianwi, Mohammad Uusuf. 1995. Ikhtilaf-e-Ummat our Sirat-e-Mustaqim Karachi: Maktaba Ludhianwi. [Deobandi point of view about theological controversies].

Nomani, Mohamad Manzur. 2002 Futuhat-e-Nomania: Manzir-e-Ahl-e-Sunnat Lahore: Anjuman-e-Irshad ul Muslameen [Discussions between Deobandis and Barelvis written by Deobandis to refute the Barelvis. Very polemical]

Qadri, Arshad ul. 1998. Zalzala Lahore: Shabbir Brothers [Barelvi doctrines. Refutes Deobandis. Polemical].

Zikria, Mohammad. 1975. Fitna-e-Maudoodiat Lahore: Maktaba ul Qasim. [refutes the doctrines of Abul Ala Maudoodi].

Lahori, Ahmad Ali 1997. Haq Parast ulama Ki Maudoodiat Se Narazgi ke Asbab Lahore: Anjuman Khuddam-ul-Islam. [Refutes Maudoodi].

Part 2: Secondary Sources

Aziz, K.K. 1993 The Murder of History in Pakistan Lahore: Vanguard Press.

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Census. 2001. 1998 Census Report of Pakistan Islamabad: Population Census Organization, Statistics Division, Govt of Pakistan.

GOP. 2002. Economic Survey of Pakistan: 2001-2002 Islamabad: Economic Advisory Wing, Finance Division, Govt. of Pakistan.

GOP.2002a. National Curriculum: Social Studies for Class VI-VIII Islamabad: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, 2002).

GOP .2002b. National Curriculum: History of Pakistan for classes IX-X (Islamabad: Govt. of Pakistan, Ministry of Education, March 2002).

Hoodbhoy, Pervez and Nayyar, A.H. 1985. ‘Rewriting the History of Pakistan’. In Khan, Asghar (ed). 1985. Islam, Politics and the State London: Zed Press. pp. 164-177.

ICG. 2002. Pakistan: Madrassas, Extremism and the Military Islamabad/Brussels: International Advisory Group Asia Report No. 36, 29 July 2002.

Metcalf, Barbara D. 1982. Islamic Revival in British India : Deoband, 1860-1900 Repr. Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1989.

Rahman, Tariq. 1996 Language and Politics in Pakistan Karachi: Oxford University Press.

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Said, Edward. 1978. Orientalism London and Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Saigol, Rabina. 1995. Knowledge and Identity: Articulation of Gender in Educational Discourse in Pakistan Lahore: ASR Publications.