Arabic in Pakistan

1. The history of Arabic in South Asia

Pakistan is a multilingual country with six major languages (Table-1) and 69 languages in all (Grimes 2000: 588-598). Urdu is the national language but it is English, the ex-colonial language, which is used in the higher domains of power—government, military, higher education, judiciary, commerce, research and media.

Arabic is not one of the indigenous languages of Pakistan though some people claim Arabic as a mother tongue while more use it as an additional language (Tables 2 and 3). Arabic periodicals are being published though they have a very small circulation (Table 4). Since most Pakistanis (96.16 per cent according to Census 1998: 107) are Muslims, Arabic is a symbol of religious identity and the liturgical language of the country. Because of its symbolic and affective significance Arabic has always been an important part of the education of Pakistani, and indeed South Asian, Muslims.

Arabic came to South Asia with the Arab merchants who traded on the Malabar coast and Sri Lanka, even settling down there in due course, before the Arabs conquered Sindh in 711-712 CE (Nadwī 1972: 69-71 and 259-301; Kōken 1974). Some Arab historians claim that the languages of Mansura and Multan were Arabic and Sindhi (Ibn Hawqal, Masālik). It is possible that the Arabs settled in Sindh and some parts of the Baluchistan coast after Muhammad bin Qāsim’s conquest used Arabic, especially after the Umayyad caliph Walīd (r. 705-715) had substituted Arabic for Greek in parts of his empire overlapping or adjacent to present day Pakistan (Elliott 1867, Vol 1: 461). It is also possible that, because of frequent intercourse with the Arabs, members of the elite had picked up verses or bon mots from Arabic and could quote them on occasion (Mubarakpurī 1989: 315-316).

The northern part of Pakistan was conquered by the Ghaznavide Turks in 1026 and there are references to Arabic being used by them in some domains of the state (Munawar 1972: 27-28). It was taught in the maktabs (schools) and the madrassās (colleges) and religious personalities wrote their works, including letters and the Xilāfat nāmās of mystics (Sūfīs), in it (Shīranī 1929: 83). Among the Arabic books taught during Ghias Uddin Balban’s time (r. 1266-87) were canonical works of grammar from the thirteenth century onwards (see Table 5) some of which are still taught in South Asian madrasas. The prose classic was the Maqāmāt of al-Harīrī of Basra (1054-1122) which recounted the picaresque, somewhat risqué, adventures of Abu Zaid of Seroug which was valued highly as a model of elegant Arabic prose. The Maqāmāt was often memorized, Sheix Nizām al-Dīn Auliā (1234-1324) having memorized forty chapters (maqāmās) (Hayy 1947, Vol. 1: 163). It was also emulated and Sayyid Abū Bakr al-‘Alawi wrote Al- Maqāmāt al-Hindiyyāh (1715) in which the protagonist Abul Zafar al-Hindi plays out his adventures in South Asian cities such as Surat, Ahmadnagar, Lahore etc (Ahmad 1946: 225-228).

The Indian ulemā also kept producing works in Arabic which are described in the Nuzhat al-Xawātir (Hayy 1947) and other sources (Ahmad 1946). The writing in Arabic decreased but the ulemā, such as the famous Muslims reformer Shah Walīullāh (1703-1762), wrote his magnum opus, Hujjat Allāh al-Bāligha (published 1869) in Arabic. Even in the eighteenth century when European learning had appeared in India, Tafuzzul Husain (1727-1800) translated Newton’s Principia (1687) and other scientific works into Arabic on the assumption that Arabic would remain the language of science in the Islamic world including India (Khan 1998: 274).

Arabic was much more important a part of Muslim education than it became after the decline of the Mughal empire. Not only the ulemā but also others, like Sher Khan (r. 1545-53), who wrested away the Mughal empire from Humayun (d. 1556), studied books on Arabic grammar (Sarwani C. 1586: 9). The emphasis on Arabic grammar and literature may have been more than pragmatic people might have appreciated because Aurangzeb Alamgir (r. 1658-1707), the most Islamic minded of the Mughal emperors, is said to have reprimanded his former teacher for having given far more attention to Arabic than to foreign languages (Bernier 1826: 176-177). Later, the Arabic script (nasx) remained part of the traditional course of studies of a Muslim gentleman and even women, while being denied literacy in other languages, were taught how to read the Qur’ān without understanding. The pupils merely learnt to recognize the Arabic alphabet before going on to studying Persian, a marker of elitist identity as well the language of upward social mobility, the script of which (nastalīq), was based on the Arabic script.

When the British arrived they found elementary schools (maktabs) teaching basic literacy in Persian and Arabic; Persian Schools, teaching some Arabic and advanced Persian literature; and Arabic schools teaching religious subjects through Arabic with explanation in Persian. Initially they followed the ‘Orientalist’ policy of retaining the traditional system of study and learnt Persian as well as Arabic themselves. Thus the first educational institution established by the British in India in 1781, the Calcutta Mahrassah, taught the usual texts an Arabic language and literature. However, the British added texts like the Alf layla wa-layla (The Arabian Nights) and Nafhat ul Yaman, the latter written by Ahmad al-Yamanī (c. 1820s). These texts were also taught in the secular educational institutions created by the British where Arabic was an optional subject.

2. Arabic in the Islamic Seminaries

The madrasās, usually based upon an endowment (waqf), were primarily Islamic seminaries since the 11^th century C. E when they were created to teach the tenets of Islam (Makdisi 1981: 36-38). They taught Arabic grammar, literature, and rhetoric, again through canonical works and commentaries all written in Arabic but sometimes with explanations in Persian. Different teachers taught different books (Sufi 1941: 68-70) and there was no standardized curriculum until the Dars-i Nizāmī was created by Mullā Nizām Uddīn of Sihālī (d. 1748), a village near Lucknow (Robinson 2002: 48-50). The texts used in the Dars-i Nizāmī are still used in the madrasās of South Asia (given in bold in Table 5).

In present-day Pakistan there are about 10,000 madrasās registered with private boards of their own sects and sub-sects (ICG 2002: 2). They teach in Urdu and sometimes in Pashto or Sindhi but the qualifying examinations are held in Urdu or Arabic. Most students answer the questions in Urdu though they use memorized passages from Arabic texts in their answers. In short, their understanding of Islam is predominantly in Urdu despite their apparent ease with Arabic quotations.

The canonical texts of the Dars-ī Nizāmī still have explanations in Arabic and sometimes in Persian. However, most texts are available in Urdu translation and the important ones have commentaries and explanations in Urdu. The grammatical texts are on grammar, sarf (morphology) and nahw (syntax); literature and rhetoric. The aim of grammatical studies is to preserve the language from change which is seen as corruption (as by Ibn Xaldūn, Muqaddima 322. Also see Shalaby 1954: 44-47). The role of literature and rhetoric too is similar. The best writings of the classical period are meant to be exemplars. Since they are either in classical Arabic or in a literary style considered elegant, they are still taught in the madrasās. The objective is to conserve what is seen to be the identity-confirming icons from the past.

As the madrasās saw themselves as the custodians of an increasingly beleaguered and besieged Islamic identity during colonial rule and after independence in 1947 when Pakistan came to be ruled by a secular elite, they remain defensive of the Dars-i Nizāmī and refuse to change the traditional texts.

In Pakistani madrasās, however, Arabic grammar is actually taught through contemporary books which follow modern methods of language teaching (Rahman 2002: 106-107) (see Table 6). In short, while the ulemā preserve the Dars-ī Nizāmī for identity-related reasons, they are pragmatic enough to have introduced at least some modern means of teaching Arabic in their madrasās. Despite this, students of madrasās are generally unable to understand or speak modern Arabic. They are also unaware of modern Arabic literature or the scholarship on Arabic outside their own texts.

3. Arabic and the Islamic Identity in Pakistan

Arabic has been seen more as a symbol of Islamic identity than a language among the Muslims of South Asia. Ordinary people begin their children’s education in the traditional way by teaching them the rudiments of the Arabic script. Sometimes, however, the child merely recognizes Arabic letters in the Qur’ān without knowing either Arabic or developing the ability to read languages in similar scripts. However, while in 1951 about 10.5 per cent Muslims could read the Qur’ān, in 1998 this figure had increased to 55.35 per cent reflecting both increase in literacy and the Islamization of Pakistani society (see Table 3).

The Pakistani state emphasized the Islamic identity to counter language-based ethnicity (Rahman 1996) and to differentiate the Pakistani identity from the Indian ‘Other’. Religious symbolism was employed and Arabic was one major such symbol. Thus Arabic roots were used to create new technical terms in Urdu (Durrānī 1993: Chapter 15: 446-504, Rahmān 1999: 265-267). There was a proposal that all languages of Pakistan, including Bengali, the language of 55.5 Pakistanis from 1947 to 1971 when East Pakistan separated to become Bangladesh, were to be written in the Arabic script to create national cohesion (ABE 1949: 9). The Bengalis opposed this and the proposal was never implemented (LAD-P 02 March 1951: 471-472). Similarly, the proposal for introducing Arabic as the national language of Pakistan was not implemented as it was considered impractical (Rahman 2002: 92). The Council of Islamic ideology, created in 1962 in order to Islamize Pakistani society and the state, recommended in 1971 that the teaching of Arabic should be encouraged at all levels and that it should be an ‘alternative compulsory language’ (CII1982: 13). Later the 1973 constitution, though prepared by the left leaning Prime Minister Z. A. Bhutto, (1928-1979), laid down that the teaching of the Qur’ān should be compulsory and that the teaching of Arabic should be encouraged and facilitated (Article 31 (2) a). The proposal that Arabic should be taught in government schools was, however, implemented but the language was taught as part of Islamic studies.

General Ziā ul Haq (r. 1977-1988), who legitimized his usurpation of power by appeal to Islam, equated Arabic with the ideology of Pakistan and Islam (Edn. Pol. 1979: 48). The teaching of Arabic was increased and it was taught through Islamic texts making it an extension of Islamic studies. In 1982 Arabic was made compulsory for children in state schools (i. e. not those in elitist, English-medium private schools) from class 6 to 8 (Malik 1996: 271). The Council of Islamic Ideology insisted on granting it compulsory status from secondary stages onwards and to teach it to judges.

As Islamization had strengthened the Islamists in the country, all subsequent governments continued with these policies.

4. Arabic in Secular Institutions in Pakistan

The secular educational institutions of Pakistan—schools, colleges, professional colleges, training institutions and universities—prepare students for careers in the state or the private sector. Arabic is only of limited use in these sectors and parents do not want to overburden their children with learning it. At the same time parents as well as the state want the Islamic identity of the children to be preserved and, therefore, encourage the teaching of the rudiments of Islam including the recognition of the words of the Qur’ān. Thus the state’s policy of making Arabic compulsory in government schools is not opposed despite the burden on the children. Private English-medium schools, catering to the elite, do not follow government curricula and have never made Arabic compulsory. In the colleges and universities as well as in the competitive examinations for state services, Arabic is seen as an easy option by students. It is taught through the translation method so that competence in the subject, even among university graduates, is very rare.

Modern methods of teaching Arabic, including the television, were used by the Allama Iqbal Open University (a distance teaching institution) and the National Institute (now University) of Modern Languages. Help was taken from Arab countries to expose Pakistani children to Arabic (Misrī 1984) and many secular institutions, like the Pakistan National Centres, started teaching everyday rather than traditional Arabic to students. Even Z. A. Bhutto’s government disseminated the knowledge of Arabic during the 1970’s on the grounds that many Pakistanis were emigrating to the Middle East for employment. As demand for teachers rose a number of madrasā graduates joined state schools as teachers (Malik 1996: 271-272).

The Islamic International University, set up in Islamabad, uses Arabic and English as media of instruction to teach all subjects. Because of the presence of students and faculty with Arabic as their mother tongue, the students of this institution get exposure to living Arabic. However, except as readers of Arabic news, interpreters, teachers of Arabic and liaison persons with the Arab world, Pakistanis do not find Arabic of much utilitarian value. Thus the number of those who learn it and gain real competence in it remains small.

To conclude, Arabic remains an iconic language for Pakistani Muslims as well as the ruling elite of Pakistan which legitimizes itself in the name of Islam whatever its actual policies and practices. For the religious forces too it is part of identity; an identity which is in confrontation with the secularizing trends of Pakistani mainstream education and perceived Western hegemony.

Table-1
Language	Percentage of Speakers	Number of Speakers
Punjābī	44.15	66,225,000
Pashtō	15.42	23,130,000
Sindhī	14.10	21,150,000
Siraikī	10.53	15,795,000
Urdū	7.57	11,355,000
Balōchī	3.57	5,355,000
Others	4.66	6,990,000
Source: Census 2001: Table 2.7. The population is assumed to be 150 million in 2003 as it was 132, 352,000 in 1998 and the growth rate is 2.69 per cent.

Table-2 Arabic Speakers in Pakistan
	1951*	1961 ^@	2004
Mother Tongue	1,249	3,398	Data not available
Additional language commonly spoken	63,794	250,522	Data not available
NB: Detailed data on languages was not taken after 1961.
* Census 1951: Tables 7 and 7-A (Population = 75,635,496)
^@ Census 1961: Statement 5.1 and 5.2 (Population = 90,282,674)

Table-3
LITERACY IN ARABIC (in Percentages)
Year	Population	Ability to read and write Arabic	Ability to speak Arabic fluently	Ability to read Quranic Arabic without understanding	General Literacy
1951	75,842,000	0.23 (out of population aged 5 and above)	0.09	10.5 (out of Muslims)	22 (out of population aged 5 or above)
1961	93,720,613	0.46 (out of population aged 5 and above)	0.28	6.29 (out of total population aged 5 years and above)	19.2
1981	84,254,000	No information	No information	38.37 (out of Muslims of 5 and above)	26.17 (aged 10 and above)
1998	132,352,000	No information	No information	55.35 (Muslims aged 5 and above)	43.92 (as above)
Source: Census reports 1951, 1961, 1981 and 1998. NB: The definition of literacy changed in each census as follows: Census 1951 The ability to read any language in clear print (even without understanding). ----- 1961 The ability to read with understanding a short statement on everyday life in any language. ----- 1981 The ability to read and write with understanding. ----- 1998 The ability to read a newspaper and write a simple letter.

Table-4
PUBLICATIONS IN ARABIC
PART-I NUMBERS				PART-II CIRCULATION
Year	Arabic newspapers and Periodicals	Total	Percentage of Arabic out of total	Circulation of Arabic publications	Total circulation in all categories	Percentage of Arabic out of total
1999	2	1571	0.13	1750 (fortnightlies) 5000 (monthlies)	7,310,986	0.092
2000	4	815	0.49	1750 (fortnightlies) 5000 (monthlies)	7,458,662	0.09
2001	4	763	0.52	5100 (dailies)	7,589,136	0.067
2002	4	720	0.55	5100 (dailies)	7,976,177	0.064
2003	4	945	0.42	5350 (dailies)	8,250,635	0.065
Source: Audit Bureau of Circulation, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of Pakistan, May 2004.

Table-5

ARABIC TEXTS USED IN THE MADRASAS

The following books have been commonly used in South Asia madrasās. Those not in use nowadays are marked with an asterisk. Those in the original Dars-i Nizāmī as given by Sufi (1941:73-75) are in bold type.

Sarf (morphology)

Abwāb. c 19C. Abwāb al-Sarf by Hāfiz Muhammad bin Barak Allah Lakhwi (d 1893).

Bahāī. c 16C. Sarf-i Bahāī by Muhammad bin ‘Abd al-Samad al-Harīsī, known as Sheix Bahā’ al-Dīn (1546-1621).

Fusūl. c. 17C. Fusūl-i Akbarī by ‘Alī Akbar Allahābādī (d 1680).

Irshād (S) n.d. Irshād al-Sarf by ‘Abd al-Karīm.

Mirāh .n.d. Mirāh ul-Arwāh by Ahmad bin ‘Alī bin Mas ‘ūd.

Mīzān. n.d. Mīzān al-Sarf by an unknown author (Sheix Sā ‘di; Hamzā Badāyūnī; Muhammad ibn Mustafā (d. 1505-06) are named in different sources).

Munsha‘ib. n.d. Munsha‘ib by Hamzā Badāyūnī (Sirājuddīn Awadhī is also named in some sources).

Muqaddamāt. n.d. Jama’al-Muqaddamāt [two works on sarf: Amsalāh and Sharh Amsalāh. Taught in Shi’ā madrasās].

Panj. c. 14C. Panj Ganj, probably by Sirāj al-Dīn Usmānī al-Awadhī (d. 1356).

Sarf (M). c. 14C. Sarf-i Mīr by ‘Alī ibn Muhammad Mīr Sayyid al-Sharīf al-Jurjānī (1339-1413).

Shāfiyah. c. 13C. al-Shāfiyah by Jamāl al-Dīn Abi ‘Amr ‘Uthmān ibn ‘Umar ibn al-Hājib (1174-1248).

Sīgha. 1859. ‘Ilm al-Sīgha by ‘Ināyat Ahmad Kākōrvī (1812-1863).

Nahw (syntax)

‘Aqīl. c. 14C. Sharh Ibn-i ‘Aqīl by Bahā’ al-Din ‘Abd Allāh bin Ahmad Ibn ‘Aqīl (1298-1367).

Hidāyat. c. 14C Hidāyat al- Nahw by Sirāj al-Dīn al-Awadhī or Hayyān al-Andalūsī.

*Irshād (N). c. 15C Al-Irshād fi’ l-nahw by Qāzī Shahāb al-Din al-Ghaznawī ad-Daulatābādī (d 1455).

Jāmī. c. 15C. Sharh kāfiyāh (Mullā Jāmī) by Abū Barkat Nur al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahmān Jāmī (1414-1492).

Kāfiyāh . c. 13C. Al Kāfiyāh fī ‘l-Nahw by Ibn- Hājib.

Mi’at. c. 11C. Mi’at ‘Āmil by ‘Abd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī (d. 1078).

Misbāh. c. 13C. al-Misbāh fi‘l-Nahw by Abul Fath Nāsir bin al-Sayyid Abī‘l-Mukarram ibn ‘Alī al-khawārizmi al-Mutarrizī (1143-1209 or 1213)

Nahw (M). c. 14C. Nahw-i Mīr by Sharīf al-Jurjānī.

Sharh. c. 14C. Sharh Mi’at Āmil by Sharīf al-Jurjāni or others?

Rhetoric/Poetics

*Miftāh. c. 12 C. Miftāh al-‘Ulūm by Sirāj al-Dīn Abū Ya‘qūb Yūsuf ibn ‘Alī ibn Muhammad al-Sakkākī (d. 1228).

Mukhtasar. 1355. Mukhtasar al-Ma‘anī by Sa’d al-Dīn Mas‘ūd Ibn ‘Umar al Sa‘d al- Taftāzānī (1322-1389).

Mutawwal. 1347. al-Taftāzānī.

Talxīs c. 13C. Talxīs al-Miftāh by Abū ‘Abd Allāh Muhammad bin ‘Abd al-Rahmān Jalāl al-Dīn Muhammad Qazwīnī (1268-1338).

Literature

*‘Ajab c. 19 C. ‘Ajab al-‘Ujāb fī mā Yufid al-Kuttāb by Ahmad bin Muhammad al-Shirwānī al-Yamanī (d. 1840).

Hamāsah. c. 9C. Dīwān-i Hamāsah compiled by Abū Tammām Habīb (786-845).

Maqāmāt. c. 12 C. Maqāmāt al-Harīrī by Abū Muhammad al-Qāsim al-Harīrī (1054-1121 or 1122).

Mutamabbī. c. 10C. Dīwān al-Mutanabbī by Abū at-Tayyab Ahmad Ibn Husayn al-Mutanabbī (915-965).

*Nafhat al-Yaman. c. 1820S. by Ahmad al-Yamanī.

Nafhat. c. 20 C. Nafhat ul-‘Arab by Muhammad ‘Aizāz ‘Alī (1883-1955).

Nahj al-Balāghah. c 10 C. by ‘Alī ibn Abī Tālib [mostly taught in Shi’ā madrasās]

Qasīdāh. c. 7C. Qasīdāh al-Burdah by Ka‘b bin Zuhair (d. 645).

Sab‘a. c. 7C Sab‘a Mu‘allaqāt by several pre-Islamic Arab poets narrated by Abul Qāsim Hammād bin Sabūr bin al-Mubārak al-Rāwiyah (d. 772).

Table-6

Newer Textbooks of Arabic

Only the most commonly used textbooks are given below. Otherwise, most Arabic texts have translations and explanations in Urdu.

Textbooks of Arabic of all the Textbook Boards of Pakistan from class VI to XII.

Charthāwalī, Mushtāq Ahmad. n.d. ‘Ilm al Sarf. 3 vols. Rawalpindi: Raza Publications.

------. n.d. ‘Ilm al Nahw. Hazro: Maktabā-i Siddīqia.

------. n.d. ‘Arabī Zubān Kā Āsān Qā‘idā [Primer]. Hazro: Maktabā-i Siddīqiā.

------. 1962. Rōzatul Adab. Multan: Maktabā Imdādia.

Misrī, Muhammad Amīn ul. n.d. Al-Tarīqat ul-Jadīdiah fī Tālīm ul Arabia. 2 vols. Al Jamiat ul Islāmiā bil Madīnā Munawwarā.

Nadwī, ‘Abdul Majid. 1951-52. Mu‘allim ul Inshā, vol. 1. Karachi: Majlis Nasharāt-i Islām.

-----.1954-55. Mu‘allim ul Inshā, vol. 2. As above.

-----. 1955. Mu‘allim ul Inshā, vol. 3. As above.

Nadwī, Abul Hasan ‘Ali. n.d. Al-Qirat ul Rāshidā, 3 vols.

-----. n.d. Mukhtārāt Min Adab ul ‘Arab, 2 vols.

-----. n.d. Qasas al Nabi’īn.

Razzāk, ‘Abdul. 1980. Al-Tarīqat ul-Asriāh fī Talīm al- Lughat al ‘Arabia. Rawalpindi: Urdū Bazār (copy used in Pakistani madrasās is dated 1980).

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Census. 1961. Census of Pakistan Population, 1961, Vol. 1. Pakistan by A. Rashid. Karachi: Ministry of Home & Kashmir Affairs. Government of Pakistan.

Census. 1998. Census Report of Pakistan Islamabad: Population Census Organization Statistics Division. Govt. of Pakistan 2001.. 1982.

CII. 1982. Islamic Social Order Report of the Council of Islamic Ideology 1962-1982 Islamabad: Council of Islamic Ideology Government of Pakistan.

Durrani, Atash. 1993. Urdū Istlāhāt Nigārī [Urdu: neologism in Urdu] Islamabad: Muqtadrā Qaumī Zubān.

Edn. Pol. 1979. National Education Policy and Implementation Programme. Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Govt. of Pakistan.

Ellot, H. M. and Dowson, John. 1867. The history of India as told by its own historians: the Muhammadan period. 8 Volumes. London: Trubner & Co. Edition used. Lahore: Islamic Book Service, 1976.

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Hai, Abdul. 1947. Nuzhat ul Xhwātir [Urdu: biographical sketches of eminent Indian religious and other personalities] 7 Vols. Trans. from Arabic to Urdu by Abū Yahyā Imām Xān. Lahore: Maqbūl Academy, 1965.

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Misri, Muhammad. 1984. Al-lughat ul ‘Arabiā Fī Bākistān Islamabad: Ministry of Education, Govt. of Pakistan.

Mubarakpuri, Qazi Athar. 1989. Hindustān mein Arbōn kī hukūmaten [Urdu: The states of the Arabs in India]. Lahore: Progressive Books.

Munawar, Muhammad. 1972. Ghaznavī Ahed: 998-1187’. In Tārīx Adabiāt Vol. 2, 1972: 61-126. [Urdu: the Ghaznavide era in the history of literatures].

Nadwi, Syed Sulaiman. 1972. ‘Arab o Hind Ke T‘aluqqāt [Urdu: The relations between Arabia and India]. Karachi: Kareem Sons Publishers.

Rahman, Tariq. 1996. Language and Politics in Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press.

-----. 1999. Language, Education and Culture. Karachi: Oxford University Press.

-----. 2002. Language, Ideology and Power: Language-learning among the Muslims of Pakistan and North India Karachi: Oxford University Press.

Robinson, Francis. 2002. The Ulama of Farangi Mahall and Islamic culture in South Asia Lahore: Ferozsons (Pvt) Ltd.

Shīrānī, Hafiz Mahmūd. 1929. “Āthwīn aur navīn sadi hijrī kī Fārsī tālifāt sē Urdū zubān kē vujūd kā subūt” [Urdu: Proof of the existence of Urdu from documents of Persian from the 8th and 9th centuries]. Oriental College Magazine (November). In Muqālāt-i Hāfiz Mahmūd Shīrānī [Urdu: The Dissertations of Shīrānī] Vol 1. (Comp. & ed.) Shīrānī, Mazhar Mahmūd. Lahore: Majlis Taraqqī-i Adab, 1966.

Sarwāni, Abbās Khan. C. 1586. The Tārīkh-i Shēr Shāhī [Persian: The History of Sher Shah] Vol. 2 Edited & trans, from Persian by S. M. Imām al-Dīn. Dhaka: University of Dacca, 1964.

Shalaby, Ahmad Q. 1954. History of Muslim education. Beirut: Darul-Kashshaf.

Sufi, G. M. D. 1941. Al-Minhaj: being the evolution of curriculum in the Muslim educational institutions of India. Delhi: Idārāh-i Adabiyāt-i Dillī. Edition used 1977 reprint.

Tariq Rahman (National Distinguished Professor,

Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan)