Book Review
Sir William Napier, The History of General Sir Charles Napier’s Conquest of Scinde First
published 1845. This edition. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001), pp.
361. Price Rs. 695/-.
It is September 2001 and the world waits with bated breath for the repercussions of the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on the 11th day of this month. If the United States launches a war on Afghanistan what would be its fallout? Let us, therefore, look at the fallout of the British attack on Afghanistan a long time back. More than a century and a half ago, in 1842, the greatest superpower of the nineteenth century, Great Britain, had just been beaten out of Afghanistan. In a curious parallel to what is happening today, Lord Auckland, the British Viceroy in India, had wanted a ‘friendly’ ruler in Afghanistan. Thus, Dost Mohammad, the ruler, was replaced by Shah Shuja. But the policy failed and its fallout was the conquest of Sindh! As Sindh had helped the British this colonial adventure was censured in Britain. This book, written by the brother of the conqueror and himself a general, is less of an authentic historical narrative than an effort at whitewashing a brother’s reputation.
William Napier, the author, begins by praising his
brother’s reputation as a general and an administrator. He then goes on to
offer the theory that ‘barbarian power continually menaces British India, and
peace cannot be till all is won’ (p.15). In short, he is a believer in
Kipling’s ‘White Man’s Burden’ theory---that it is the ‘white man’s’ moral duty
to civilize the ‘lesser’ races. This mission cannot be accomplished except by
conquest hence ‘peace’ cannot come till all non-European powers are not
completely dominated. With this justification William explains his brother Charles’s
eventual conquest of Sindh.
Hamida Khuhro, the famous Pakistani historian, makes it
clear in her introduction that Charles Napier was not as innocent as his
brother made him out to be. He was appointed to the command of troops in Sindh
by Lord Ellenborough who believed in subjugating the native princes as a way of
avenging the British defeat in Afghanistan. Major Outram, who is painted as a
pusillanimous blunderer in William’s book, is represented to be a restraining
influence on Charles Napier by Hamida Khuhro. While William contends that the
Amirs of Sindh were treacherous, there is Napier’s remark from his diary: ‘We
have no right to seize Scinde, yet we shall do so, and a very advantageous and
human piece of rascality it will be’ (p. xiii). With this end in view, it may
be conjectured, Napier marched provocatively in 1843 towards Hyderabad. The
Amir’s troops gave him a chance by attacking the British residency in
Hyderabad---exactly why they did this is not clear in either Williams’ or any
other account. William says it was because they wanted to drive the British out
contrary to their treaties while Hamida Khuhro contends that they had been
provoked so much that they were driven to this desperate act. Anyway, since
they did so, Charles Napier got his excuse to fight the Amirs. On 17th February
he defeated the army of the Amirs at Miani. However, Mir Sher Mohammad of
Mirpur, called the Lion by Charles, remained at large. Napier pursued him and
on 26 March defeated ‘The Lion’ too at Dubbo. Then he sent the Amirs to Bombay
and started ruling Sindh. Williams wrote another book to prove that he was a
very just ruler but in this book he merely asserts that Charles and his
officers never misbehaved with the ladies of the Amirs as had been rumoured by
the journalists of Bombay.
William is at pains to prove the innocence of his brother
so much that he cannot mention his critics without fuming at the mouth and
accusing them of base motives. He dwells again and again on the moral
weaknesses of the Amirs---their penchant for women, hunting, intoxicants and
other decadent practices. He tells us how the Amirs would beat women and
callously kill their illegitimate children and so on. If at all he praises any
Asiatic it is the Baluch soldier who, he admits, fought heroically. But the
Baluchi too is called a ‘barbarian’ like everybody else. The ultimate message
is that it was in the interest of the advance of civilization to conquer Sindh.
This, after all, is a ‘colonial’ text---the kind of text Edward said wrote about.
While this rhetoric about civilizing missions is
obviously a device to rationalize conquest, the fact remains that the Amirs of
Sindh governed despotically. They did not have even the semblance of a rule of
law nor did they establish ports, printing houses, railways, hospitals and
modern institutions of learning though they did endow madrassas. The British did all these things and these were
beneficial for the people. However, the British did not end the arbitrary
nature of feudal rule in Sindh at all levels. At the highest level they brought
in their own colonial, authoritarian system but even this was so powerful as to
take on the trappings of feudal rule by the district officers. At other levels
the British allowed the Sindhi feudal lords (waderas) to play havoc with the lives of ordinary people because it
suited them to keep their grip over Sindh through the feudal lords. In short,
the feudal despotism of the Amirs lingered on in practice at the lower level
for the Sindhi masses.
In short, all the claims of the book are not to be taken
at face value. The book, however, is useful in understanding how policies are
rationalized and how the greatest of crimes are covered over and whitewashed.
It is also useful for giving us useful insights into the lives of nineteenth
century military minds, logistics, tactics and warfare. It is also an important
source of the life of Sir Charles Napier and one version of the conquest of
Sindh. For all these reasons the Oxford University Press should be
congratulated for having rescued this book from the shelves of old libraries
and making it available for the historian and the general reader.