Dr. Tariq Rahman
Book Review
Khalid
Ahmed, Pakistan: The State in Crisis
(Lahore: Vanguard, 2002), pp. 295 Rs. 595.
Khalid Ahmed is surely one of the most erudite persons in
Pakistan. The number of the books he reviews and his allusions to ideas,
theories, international relations, political developments and personalities in
Pakistan and books in Urdu and English confirm this fact. What is even more
useful is that he is also an analyst with deep and incisive insight into
Pakistan’s problems. But, what is really astonishing and commendable, is that
he retains both his high ideals and the courage to express them which he had in
his youth. It is astonishing because, as one grows older, one loses both
ideals, high or otherwise, and the courage to express them. All these qualities
are clearly visible in the book under review.
This book consists of thirty four chapters divided into
four sections: army, security, ideology and society. The chapters read as if
they were written on separate occasions as articles in the press though this is
not mentioned specifically. Most chapters carry no notes and references, except
those embedded in the text, but one (entitled ‘the delusion of Nuclear
Deterrence’) does. This is also the longest chapter (62 pages) and seems to have
been written as a scholarly paper rather than a newspaper article.
Khalid Ahmed deals with the thorny issue of the army with
great insight and knowledge. He tells us that the army has become dominant is
Pakistan primarily because of the status of permanent confrontation with India.
The army has a vested interest in this confrontation because it ensures the
continued public and state support, and hence the hegemony, of the army. Under
General Zia the army also declared itself to be the guardian of the ideology of
the state. Ideology, like the army, is also a thorny subject and in chapter 24,
‘Safeguarding Ideology “Within or Without” Pakistan’, Khalid Ahmed tells us how
Pakistan’s ideology is interpreted differently by different powerful groups or
personalities. However, because one can be persecuted (as well as prosecuted in
a court of law) for being against the ideology, the freedom of expression
necessary in a liberal democratic culture is not created.
Since the army, like the politicians and the religious
lobby, claims to guard this ideology, it too thinks it can legitimately remove
governments and persecute dissidents. Khalid Ahmed then goes on to tell us how
this ideology became more and more Islamicized, especially during the Zia era,
so that the army developed an officer corps some of whose members were very
religious in their orientation. This has led to what Khalid Ahmed calls the
Beg-type Chief of Army Staff versus the Jehangir Karamat type Chief. The
Beg-type (reference to General Aslam Beg) thanks it justified to interfere in
civilian affairs in the name of safeguarding ideology. The Karamat-type does
not. Because of this the latter type of officer, although called
‘professional’, faces challenge from within. Moreover, since the army is
religiously inspired, there is much pressure on a ‘Secular’ Chief. In this
context the author discusses the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) too. He
argues that the ISI’s view of security is actually against the real interests
of Pakistan because the country cannot afford a state of perpetual war, covert
law-intensity conflict with India, the threat to freedom of expression which
the strengthening of the intelligence agencies always brings about everywhere
in the world.
One of Khalid Ahmed’s most important theses is that
Pakistan has become a garrison state. Because of this status most of the money
is spent on what is called ‘defence’. This leaves little for the economic
development of the state. The author feels that this is disastrous and may well
pose extreme danger to the very viability of the state. In short, Pakistan’s
quest for security, paradoxically enough, is leading to insecurity.
Khalid Ahmed is very knowledgeable about Islamic parties,
Islamic seminaries (madrassas) and
religious issues in Pakistan. This knowledge is spread all over in most
articles though there are articles on specifically Islamic issues also. On the
whole he tells us how the religious lobby has capitalized on Pakistan’s
ideology, which is claimed to be based on Islam, and derives its strength from
the security-conscious, anti-India feeling in the country. He also traces out
the army, and the ISI’s, support for parts of the religious lobby and claims
that this poses a threat to the state as presently constituted. Moreover, in
some articles, he tells us how the proposal that bank interest, being called usury
rather than lawful interest, may be abolished has led to loss of investor’s
confidence thus further endangering the economy.
Some of Khalid Ahmed’s most detailed work is about the threat
of nuclear weapons. He tells us how our economists could not withstand the
militant, nationalistic rhetoric which made the Nawaz Sharif regime detonate
the nuclear bombs in May 1998. He also writes how the bomb has actually
encouraged the army to carry on militant activities and small scale operations
(such as Kargil) endangering the country. Above all, he gives a history of the
whole nuclear discourse including the CTBT debate in Pakistan. As a supporter
of peace, his conclusion is that nuclear weapons have only harmed Pakistan both
economically and militarily.
The book confirms Khalid Ahmed’s credentials as one of
the most well informed, analytical and articulate theoreticians of the liberal
intelligentsia in Pakistan. As most of these views are not welcomed by the
establishment he is also confirmed as one of these rare, brave people who
express their opinions without fear or favour no matter what the odds against
them.
The book has certain weaknesses too. First, there is some
repetition which is often unavoidable when articles published in response to some kind of events in the press are brought
together under one cover. Secondly, some of the data cannot be checked as its
source is not given. This, again, is in the nature of newspaper articles which
neither have the space to give references nor are the references from sources
which can be checked. This, I understand, is necessary if one is to write on
issues related to the armed forces, intelligence agencies and such other
secretive organizations. However, despite these weaknesses, Khalid Ahmed’s work
is highly commendable because he brings formidable learning and very keen
insight into the affairs of Pakistan in his analysis. I recommend the book to
both the South Asia specialist and the general reader.
Dr. Tariq Rahman